Republican presidential candidates have been one-upping each other on abortion limits and bans, with participants in this week's GOP primary debate vowing to sign a federal ban on the procedure.
The Democrats' response has been to bury Republicans with their own words, including with a national ad the Biden-Harris campaign released Friday featuring clips of former President Donald Trump, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina pledging to stop abortion – by punishing women who have one, in Trump's case.
Since the 2022 Supreme Court decision taking away guaranteed abortion rights, both parties have elevated the issue in their campaigns. And both think it will be a winner for them in 2024.
"These guys showed us this week they don’t have a clue about the power of women," President Joe Biden said on social media, releasing his and Vice President Kamala Harris' new ad. "They are about to find out."
The campaign is spending $25 million to run the ad online and in the battleground states of Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.
Former Vice President Mike Pence, meanwhile, said during Wednesday night's debate in Milwaukee that he is a "champion for life" who would sign a ban on abortion after 15 weeks. When Nikki Haley, a former U.S. ambassador who also opposes abortion, countered that the votes aren't there in the Senate to overcome a filibuster, Pence shot back, saying, "Consensus is the opposite of leadership."
DeSantis, meanwhile, bragged about his signing of a six-week abortion ban in Florida, while Scott said he would back the 15-week ban. In April, Scott said in an interview with NBC News that he would sign "the most conservative, pro-life” legislation into law."
That's an approach that plays very well with the GOP primary electorate, which largely opposes abortion. A recent CBS/YouGov poll found that 68% of Republican voters think abortion should be illegal in all or most cases.
And Republicans – like Democrats – aren't shying away from the issue.
“I was very pleased to see them talk about abortion,” RNC Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel told Fox News the morning after the debate. “Democrats used that in 2022. ... If our candidates aren’t able to fend a response and put out a response, we’re not going to win. They’re going to do it again in 2024. And I thought all of them did a really good job on that.”
But since the June 2022 ruling Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the pro-abortion rights side has become newly energized. While anti-abortion forces have had success in the courts (the South Carolina state Supreme Court this week upheld a near-total ban on abortion), abortion foes have been losing consistently when the matter is put directly before voters – a troubling trend for anti-abortion forces ahead of what is expected to be a highly competitive 2024 election.
Since Dobbs, voters in California, Michigan and Vermont approved referendums to enshrine abortion rights in the state constitutions, unsurprising for three states where Democrats are in control. But in three red states – Kansas, Kentucky and Montana – measures to reject guaranteed abortion rights were defeated.
Further, Ohio voters overwhelmingly this month rejected a measure that would require a supermajority of 60% to pass a state constitutional amendment. That means abortion rights advocates will have a much easier time winning a referendum on the ballot this fall to ensure abortion rights. Polling shows strong support for that measure.
More problematic for Republicans going forward – at least from an electoral perspective – is a slate of referendums proposed for 2024 state ballots. In Arizona, Florida, Maryland, Missouri, New York and South Dakota, advocates are pushing for votes to protect reproductive rights. Abortion foes are trying to get referendums on the ballot in Iowa, Nebraska and Pennsylvania to prohibit abortion or to state clearly that the state constitution does not guarantee the right to abortion.
The fate of those ballot initiatives (should activists indeed get the signatures required to get them on the ballot) may be secondary to another factor: voter turnout.
In Arizona, a state Biden won by a razor-thin 10,457 votes, the referendum could spur pro-abortion rights voters to go to the polls – perhaps providing a critical difference for an incumbent president who, polling indicates, does not inspire excitement among Democrats. The same may well be true in Pennsylvania, a state Biden won by 81,660 votes – about 0.2% of the voting electorate.
"I think what we’ve seen here is across partisan lines, in red, blue and purple states, voters have made themselves clear – they want to protect reproductive freedom," says Ally Boguhn, spokesperson for NARAL Pro-Choice America. "I do think we're going to continue to see this as something that will drive them to the polls."
Republicans argue that forging ahead with abortion bans, taking advantage of the free-for-all created by the Dobbs ruling, will motivate their voters as well.
Cindy Dahlgren, a spokesperson for the Center for Arizona Policy, which opposes the referendum enshrining abortion rights, says there will be "plenty of reasons turnout will be high in 2024," including inflation and the fact that it is a presidential year.
The proposed Arizona referendum, she says, goes too far.
"It would make regulating abortion virtually impossible and that is not where Arizonans are on abortion and why abortion law should be set by lawmakers who can make changes to the law as needed," Dahlgren says.
But polling indicates that Democrats have an edge on motivating their voters around the abortion issue.
A Kaiser Family Foundation survey in May found that 30% of voters will cast a ballot only for a candidate who agrees with them on abortion. Broken down, that includes 46% of Democrats, 23% of independents, and 20% of Republicans, suggesting Democrats are more likely to make abortion rights a litmus test issue.
Further, Democrats have an edge among self-described independents in the poll, with 36% of independents saying Democrats more closely represented their views on abortion and 13% saying Republicans' views on the issue were closer to their own.
Mary Owens, communications director for SBA Pro-Life America, says the anti-abortion movement needs to learn the lessons from Ohio to win next year.
"So far, in all of the state battles, our side has failed to take this approach, allowing the left and pro-abortion industry and allies to define the effort," Owens says. "We must define the issues at stake early and often with a simple message."
。 近日，“开封王婆”赵梅在江西多个景区举行“说媒”活动引发关注。
B | 活动中，当地媒婆称彩礼“38 万
8”，部分女嘉宾提出高要求，让“王婆”露出“痛苦面具”，并引发网友热议。
C | “开封王婆”赵梅回应称，用人格发誓，自己从来没有剧本，嘉宾都是随机点的，但不能保证被别人编剧本。她还表示，江西有江西的风俗，河南有河南的风俗，自己不可能把江西的彩礼打下来，也不便多言。一些网友质疑有剧本，景区和“王婆”均回应称现场嘉宾随机选择。女嘉宾对彩礼看法不一，江西一直在整治高价彩礼，推出多项举措倡导文明嫁娶新风尚。专家认为，破解高价彩礼难题需推动乡村振兴，缩小城乡差距。 治理高额彩礼需要严紧细实 为贯彻落实推进移风易俗和高额彩礼专项治理要求，2023年12月11日，最高法、民政部、全国妇联联合举行“推进移风易俗
治理高额彩礼”新闻发布会，发布涉彩礼纠纷典型案例，明确审理原则。当日，最高法还发布了《关于审理涉彩礼纠纷案件适用法律问题的规定（征求意见稿）》，进一步统一裁判标准。 “禁止以彩礼为名借婚姻索取财物。
D | ”此次3部门的回应及征求意见稿的发布，规范了彩礼相关内容并设定了统一裁判标准，回应了人民群众的新要求、新期待，对于树立优良家风，弘扬家庭美德，引导社会形成文明风尚具有重要意义。 彩礼作为我国古代婚姻习俗中的“六礼”之一，本是男女双方缔结婚姻的重要象征，蕴含着对未来婚姻生活的美好祝愿。但近些年来，随着高额彩礼的“肆意横行”，彩礼的本意被曲解，因彩礼产生的纠纷案件不断增多，不仅触及社会公序良俗底线，更有甚者违反法律法规，引发恶性刑事案件。 为遏制高额彩礼不良风气，2019年发布的《关于进一步推进移风易俗建设文明乡风的指导意见》明确要求，对乡村社会利用婚丧嫁娶敛财等违法犯罪行为进行重点整治；2021年以来，中央一号文件又连续3年对治理高额彩礼、移风易俗提出工作要求……从这些举措能够看到，治理高额彩礼已经从“大声疾呼”走向积极行动。从中央到地方，各类文件、意见、工作方案相继出炉，诸多安排部署都明确要求治理高额彩礼。从社会效果看，抵制高额彩礼正深入人心，并且成为许多青年男女的自发选择。 如今，3部门主动回应社会关切，通过以案释法破解高额彩礼治理这一痼疾，统一类似纠纷案件法律适用，明确处理涉彩礼纠纷原则，释放出以公平原则平衡各方利益的信号。
E | 面对一个久已存在且成因复杂的社会治理难题，只有严紧细实、综合施策，才能积小功成大胜。一方面，各部门要进一步形成合力，强化彩礼前端治理，全面推行婚俗改革，加强高额彩礼治理力度，大力宣传文明新风，让人人都参与进来；另一方面，瞄准深层次原因，从就业、民生、乡风塑造、示范引领等方面多措并举、综合发力，把高额彩礼的生存土壤清除干净。 （图源网络 中国小康网综合@燃新闻、人民日报）。
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